April 1st, 2010
People were demanding a Constituent Assembly and a republic and even the people who supported a ceremonial monarchy kept quiet. This was not the right time to talk about even a ceremonial monarchy! The Movement will decide what we should accept. There was no sympathy to this autocratic regime and monarchy. This is the way people were beginning to think. So what happened on the 21st the King made a second announcement and he addressed in the name of the nation again. He had asked the Seven Party Alliance leaders to nominate a Prime Minister.
We said no! Who is the King to ask the SPA leaders? We told him that he is dealing with a movement of civil society now! Even those who are not in political parties are in the Movement—those who are civil servants they are in the Movement, those who are professional they are in the Movement, the workers, the labourers—all are in the Movement. So who is the King to ask just the Seven Parties to nominate a single person as the Prime Minister? He does not have the right and time is up now for the King. So we rejected it. It was too late, too little! The King had only the option either to make another announcement (according to SPA’s will) or be ready for the Republican state. The SPA was tough with the King.
Peter Tobin – Thank you for your time which I understand is at a premium at this moment but could please give us your account of the events of April and the triumph of the Peoples’ Movement over the king.
Bishnu Rimal —Let me start by saying this. When we started our popular movement we called it “Loktantric Andolan” in Nepali—”loktantric” means full-fledged democracy and “andolan” means movement. Some people said that this is the second generation of our Loktantric movement. First generation was the 1990 People’s Movement. We started this one on the 6th April and we continued for nineteen days without a break—General Strike plus the mass movement.
At first people did not believe that the two would work together, hand in hand, it is just impossible! We had discussion and argument within the Seven Party Alliance (SPA). The SPA is the driving force of our movement—they were leading us. There was also the twelve point agreement between the SPA and the Maoists where we agreed that we would launch a peaceful movement in the major cities and the villages. The Maoists would carry out the struggle in their own way. But we asked them not to use arms because that would make the people afraid.
If we were able to bring a peaceful movement together, if we could assure the people that there would be no violence by our side then more people will come into the streets. Some of our colleagues did not accept this idea and they said it is turning to Ghandian (philosophy), and that it would not work. But we said that we are neither pro-Ghandi nor pro-Subha Chandra Bose. We were just talking about a peaceful movement and only a peaceful movement would guarantee the participation of the people. It was the basic idea of the SPA. The second idea was that many people were saying our people should come to the Kathamandu Valley—sit in the heart of the City, have sit-ins—like a ‘gerhao’ (tactic involving mass sit-ins and occupations) like picketing in some major places like open air theatres, We should sit there throughout the night and all the people from the villages would come. They were referring to Tiananmain Square (1989 incident of China), recently the Bangkok movement and the Orange revolution in the Ukraine. It has happened there, they said, why not in Nepal? But we argued no: Nepal is a different country and we should devise our own way, our own style. So we said lets decentralise our movement and focus on Kathmandu. We should mobilise our people within the City but it would be too expensive to bring people in.
Some of us were proposing that “if the Royal Regime issue the prohibitory order within the Ring Road (in Kathmandu Valley), immediately we should go en-mass to the heart of capital to challenge it and go for mass arrests. This way we could win over the mass movement“.
We argued that this was a bad idea, it’s a suicidal game, senior and key people would be arrested and there would be no movement at all. So we said instead lets bring people to the Ring Road since we are launching a peaceful movement and then if they imposed a curfew we will ask our people to defy it. That way we can break these autocratic tactics. I think our idea was the most practical so on the 6th and 7th of April our plan went well; people followed the peaceful movement and helped to bring others on 8th and 9th of April as well. We further decided to defy all “Orders” of the Royal Regime even if they impose a curfew—we would defy the curfew through a huge mass-show. If the armed police attack us, if the Army attack us then we would counter. I think that this was a correct position and the SPA accepted it.
At 2 a.m. in the morning (of April 8) they (the regime) declared a eighteen hours curfew throughout the Kathmandu Valley. The mobile phone system had been cut off so we asked the people to come to the Ring Road and just defy the curfew. Big numbers came to the Ring Road with smaller numbers starting to defy the curfew inside the City. It was about 200,000 in the Ring Road area and smaller groups of about 5000 in the City and suburbs.
We had asked to converge in seven major areas of Ring Road such as Gongabu, Kalanki, Satdobato, Gwarko, Koteshwor, Chabahil and Maharajgunj where more than 50,000 people participated at every point.
There was total defiance on the 9th of April and numbers kept increasing and when the Gongbau massacre took place (11th of April), people had been injured, brutally beaten up, one of my colleagues (the secretary of Hotel Sector unions) sustained a rubber-encased bullet to his head.
It was impossible for the security personnel to control the masses. There were three tiers; first civilian police—then armed police and then the Royal Nepali Army. What happened in most instances was that civilian police dispersed after the first hail of stones, then the armed police came and they shoot. The Royal Nepalese Army was neutral at this time. They were giving moral support to the police, and giving us the impression that they would shoot the demonstrators. They were flying helicopters over the demonstrations.
PT They were firing live rounds on the second day at the Palace at target practice as if to say to people we’ve got plenty of bullets..
BR Yes this is what they were doing. Once the Regime ordered police to suppress us, mass numbers came out into the streets in reaction.
There were some key elements: first the Royal Regime tried to spread rumours that there was a Maoist infiltration in the demonstrations and thus—”if you (people) come to the street we (the regime) will shoot you”. Their simple reasoning was—the Maoists are the terrorists, America has said Maoists are the terrorists, India has said the same and everybody is saying. So we will shoot the terrorists. This was a licence to shoot!
But we said, this is the Peoples’ Movement and every body shall join—no matter who they are—Maoists or others. If people are carrying arms then we will ask them to stop. We never allowed anybody to join our peaceful movement with arms. If they are without arms we don’t bother whether they are Maoists or whoever.
There was no single organisation which has not supported our movement at this time. Film artists, doctors, engineers, lawyers; of course there were journalists, all the trade unionists—all of civil society. Even the physically challenged people and visually impaired people joined (the movement) and there was competition to be ‘the first’ to support the democratic movement.
There was an atmosphere of solidarity. The routine was that early in the morning people joined the demonstrations—no need for food—no need for water—nothing at all and they would participate until the late evenings and then go home. They didn’t care about the curfew.
There was police surveillances and harassment against activists; even myself. Just before the movement kicked-off one of the armed police officers was given a warrant to arrest me. He tried to arrest me. Luckily he didn’t know where I was staying but he knew my mobile phone number. On the 30th (of March) he rang me saying “I am your friend—where are you?” I said him I’m in the demonstration why don’t you come and join us? When he was confused by my answer then I challenged him—”I know you are the Police, aren’t you!”
This kind of game were over after the 9th of April because the police didn’t have the time to arrest people from houses and offices; all of the people were on the street.
The 14th of April was Nepali New Year and we activists were thinking that the General Strike had gone four days beyond the planned four days from the 6th of April. May be the growing pressure of the Peoples’ Movement could relieve it. But after the Gongbau massacre on the 11th of April there was intense pressure that we should continue the General Strike unless and until the Monarch bends down. We had only ever made small steps before—this time we had to finish it. We would sacrifice everything!
Some people within the SPA were thinking of calling off the General Strike and continuing the demonstrations but there was tremendous pressure from the street to keep the strike and the movement going. We accepted the people’s verdict. We apologised to the populace for the discomfort in their lives, for the shortage of food, kerosene—everything and for the hardship it caused wage-earners. And urged and informed them that we have to continue the fight against the monarchy till it topples down.
Prior to the popular movement the SPA had called a meeting with trade unions (April first) and SPA leadership including Koirala came to address us. We explained to them that we shouldn’t stop our strike without reaching our destination; the Royal regime would sack us if we were left exposed. This was the point of no return. If they wanted our vigorous support then they should not ask us to stop our strike. It was necessary to keep the momentum going.
On 14th of April the King addressed the nation. We were expecting him to say something and he said nothing. We relaxed the strike a little for the three days of the New Year. On the 17th we began to push again and the 17th,18th and 19th were crucial days for us. People joined in hundreds and thousands. There was a daytime curfew which was ignored. There was a single slogan: “Gane Chor Des Chhor” or Gyanendra must go!
People were demanding a Constituent Assembly and a republic and even the people who supported a ceremonial monarchy kept quiet. This was not the right time to talk about even a ceremonial monarchy! The Movement will decide what we should accept. There was no sympathy to this autocratic regime and monarchy. This is the way people were beginning to think. So what happened on the 21st the King made a second announcement and he addressed in the name of the nation again. He had asked the Seven Party Alliance leaders to nominate a Prime Minister. We said no! Who is the King to ask the SPA leaders? We told him that he is dealing with a movement of civil society now! Even those who are not in political parties are in the Movement—those who are civil servants they are in the Movement, those who are professional they are in the Movement, the workers, the labourers—all are in the Movement. So who is the King to ask just the Seven Parties to nominate a single person as the Prime Minister? He does not have the right and time is up now for the King. So we rejected it. It was too late, too little! The King had only the option either to make another announcement (according to SPA’s will) or be ready for the Republican state. The SPA was tough with the King.
PT Could you comment on the response of the international community, particularly the UN, which appeared to be taken in by the King’s offer. This was done without consultation with the Nepalis?
BR Yes it was an unfortunate thing at the time. The UN and the power centres misunderstood the King. When he made his offer to the Seven Parties and asked for a nomination for PM they felt that he was bending and that he is going to give up all his powers. But they never understood how difficult he is to deal with. He was not Birendra—he was Gyanendra! And he became King in an unnatural way.
PT Suspicious circumstances?
BR Very suspicious circumstances. There are many fingers pointed at him. Nobody knows what happened in that room at that night.
PT They say that the Crown Prince shot himself in the back of his head.
BR Yes. So it is still very mysterious. The international community does not understand the mind-set of the Nepali King. We understand him very much. Koirala is an old man and has lived through four Nepali Kings, Tribuvhan, Mahendra, Birendra, the King in the coma that is Dipendra and Gyanendra. After half a century of political activity he understands this monarchy. Many of us the younger ones also have had at least twenty-five years experience—in the movement. We understand the psychology and the mind-set of such an autocratic King. So we said no—there is no point. His time is over. If he had said it three years back it might have happened. But not now, it is too little too late. So we said lets continue! People understand that we were winning. Numbers became double.
Everybody—old—young—disabled—abled, all were participating ignoring the police batons and bullets. There was nothing to eat in the house. They never care—if there is a vegetable that’s OK – if there isn’t that’s also OK. People shared and supported each other.
On the 24th April—in the middle of the night at 11.30 the King made another address. This time he read out the draft the parties had sent to the Palace. If the King had refusd, the parties would have just continued the movement. It was the last chance for him to remain Monarch for the time being. Otherwise we would say that the King is not bending down—Fellow countrymen continue our movement! The movement would decide the fate of the political parties and the fate of the Monarchy.
PT There have been precedents!
BR Yes yes! (laughter)Then the King became “friendly” to the parties drafted text and read out what the Seven Party Alliance suggested to him. Personally I think that day changed the Nepali monarchy from autocratic to ceremonial. It was a great victory in that way. In order to address the Maoist problem categorically the letter demanding a Constituent Assembly was also included in the text using the wording—”the SPA road-map”.
PT This was always their demand, wasn’t it? It has been a continued demand of the Left and Congress since 1949/50.
BR Yes. We said to the King that we have a twelve point understanding with the Maoists. The twelve point understanding with the Maoists is the road map for the Seven Party Alliance to change our society, to solve the violent conflict so that peace can prevail and establish a working Loktantra (democracy). This is our position whether you support it or not.
Then we said what about your army? We think that the Royal Nepalese Army is a Nepalese Army but this army has become only a family army. We dislike this because we are the taxpayers, they are swallowing our tax and they are serving only a family. Its not justifiable. In this way we took a very strong position and even the Chief of Army Staff gave an interview to CNN saying that the Royal Nepalese Army is ready to work with any government who want a peaceful solution. He said they are even ready to assimilate the Maoist guerillas if necessary based on their fighting capacity etc. etc.
PT There must be divisions within the Army because there was the attack then on the Maoists with the bombing of the Maoist rally?
BR This reactionary army plays these kind of tricks all the time. For example, I suspect that maybe some political killings will take place in the days to come. The reactionary forces will do two things; on the one hand they will provoke Maoists and push them to submit harder (impractical) demands on the Seven Party Alliance which we won’t be able to meet. They will say that OK twelve point agreement is over now—it is the time to establish a socialist republic. They may even provoke the Maoists by telling ‘Prachanda you should be the President, that Bhattarai you should be Prime Minister of this country’. Because this is the result of your violent ten year struggle while the Seven Party Alliance did nothing. They were just following the King’s directives—they are the slaves of the King. So you should go as the people are with you!
PT The Maoists appeared to have stuck to the letter of the agreement. Do you think they have the sophistication not to be provoked and to abide by the agreement. Or are they as caricatured in the West as similar to the Khmer Rouge?
BR No they are not like Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge they are distinctly Nepalis. Because in our private talks with the Maoists they have told us that they are in a hurry to become a peaceful movement.
PT I did find mass support for them in the rural areas where I was trekking. What have they got to lose? Democracy would show the strength of their support.
BR We sent a very strong message to the Maoists; before the cease-fire last year that there was a very bad image of the Maoists from the general public. When we made the agreement with them people began to see their political face. We in the Seven Party Alliance helped them to show their political and not their military face. When their political face surfaced in the street then, dramatically, their image improved. They started to enjoy popular support again. So we said to the Maoist leaders before the end of the ceasefire on the eve of the New Year that it would be a good idea to continue it. Suspending your armed struggle will improve your image. When we started the present campaign they attacked in the Thankot area and it had a very negative impact in the Kathmandu Valley. The Maoists claim they were able to successfully hit three targets and maybe it did demonstrat their military supremacy; but it gave them a very negative image with the public again. So we said to them that if they did not launch any armed attacks in the Kathmandu Valley it would help us. While the big movement was taking place there was no need to attack anywhere in the country. The Maoists remained silent and this helped us very much.
So going back to the Midnight of the 24th April the King declared to reinstate parliament and deferred to the Movement, the Seven Party Alliance. Now we are on the road map again!
TO BE CONTINUED
General Federation of Nepalese Trade Unions (GEFONT) Man Mohan Labour Building Putalisadak, Kathmandu, Nepal Post Box: 10652 Tel: + 977 1 4 24 80 72 Ext. 404 Fax: + 977 1 4 24 80 73 E-mail:bishnu@gefont.org URL: www.gefont.org
Peter Tobin was until recently a Regional Organiser for Union of Construction & Allied Trades & Technicians (UCATT). Please Note: Anyone wishing to submit articles on this crucially important issue or comments on articles which appear should send them to this address Anyone is welcome to do so at any time.
Originally published: Labour & Trade Union Review, June 2006
Interviewer: Peter Tobin
Bishnu Rimal is Vice Chairperson GEFONT (General Federation of Nepalese Trade Unions) & Central Commitee Member, Communist Party of Nepal(UML) May 2 2006
Location Man Mohan Labour Building, Kathmandu
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